Category Archives: Anglophobia

America’s love-hate affair with England in films

When  you go to the cinema think of how often English legends  such  as  Robin  Hood are used by Americans. Reflect on how,  until  recently  at  least,   American  universities  would  give  as  a  matter  of  course  considerable time to the study of writers such as Shakespeare and  Jane  Austen.   These things happen naturally and without  self-consciousness because  English culture and history is part of American history.

Despite  the recent US appetite for Englishness on film  they  have  a  schizophrenic  relationship  with  this  country.   They produce  Anglophobe  abortions such as Mel Gibson’s “The Patriot”  –  a film   set in the American War of Independence which depicted the  18th Century  British  as  Nazis –  are  vestigially  paranoid  about  “King George”  and constantly use the English in films as stage villains.

Overtly,   Americans  ignore  their English origins.  The  most  absurd example  of  this  on celluloid I have come  across   occurred  in  the feature film  length cartoon Pocohontas which dealt with the  Jamestown settlement  of 1607,  the first permanent English settlement  in  North America.    The  leader of the expedition,  John Smith,  was  given  an American  accent  while the rest of the crew had English  ones  ranging from  stage cockney  to upper class cad.

The  consequence of this denial of their origins makes America  a  very peculiar  country in that it lacks a coherent foundation  story.   King  George  and  the British are the villains and  American  colonists  the  heroes … and that’s about it. There is a great blank hole in American history,  namely,  where did they and their dominant culture come from?  The answer of course is England.

Ultimately  the  USA is the child of England:  no  England,  no  United States.   The nonexistence  of the United States  alone would have made a  colossal difference to the history of the past two centuries and  to the present day,  not least because it is and has been for a century or more  responsible  for a tremendous proportion  of  global   scientific discovery  and  technological development.  If the  English   had  done nothing more than lay the foundation of the United States it would have done a mighty thing.

At  this  point I can hear the cry of many:  why the  English  not  the British?  Was  not the United States formed as much by  the  Scots  and Irish  as by the English?  There will even be those who will press  the claims of the Germans.   A little careful thought will show that no one but the English could have been responsible,  although many peoples and cultures   have   subsequently  added to the  considerable  variety  of American life

The  English were the numerically dominant settlers from the  Jamestown settlement  in 1607 until the Revolution.  Moreover,  and this  is  the vital  matter,  they were overwhelmingly the dominant settlers for  the first  one  hundred years.  Even  in 1776  English  descended  settlers formed,  according to the historical section of the American Bureau  of Census,  nearly sixty percent of the population and the majority of the rest of the white population was from the non-English parts of Britain.

This  English  predominance  may not seem  important  at  first  glance because of the immense non-Anglo-Saxon immigration which occurred from the eighteenth century onwards.  Would not, a reasonable man might ask, would not the later immigration swamp the earlier simply because of its greater  scale?  The answer is no – at least until  the  relaxation  of immigration  rules  in the sixties – because the numbers  of  non-Anglo Saxons  coming into America were always  very small compared  with  the existing population of the USA.

When immigrants enter a country their descendents will generally  adopt the  social and cultural colouring of the native population.  The  only general  exception  to  this well attested sociological fact  is  in  a situation of conquest, although even there the invader if few in number will  become integrated through intermarriage and the general  pressure of  the  culture  of  the  majority  population  working  through   the generations.    Thus at any time in the development of the USA the bulk of  the population were practisers of a general culture which  strongly reflected  that  of  the  original  colonisers,   namely  the  English.

Immigrants were therefore inclined to adopt the same culture.  America’s  English origins spread throughout her culture.  Her  law  is  founded on English common law. The most famous of American law officers  is  the English office of  sheriff.  Congress imitates  the  eighteenth century British Constitution (President = King;  Senate = Lords;  House of  Representatives  =  The  House of Commons)  with,  of  course,  the difference  of  a  codified constitution.   (It would  incidentally  be truer  to describe the British Constitution as uncodified  rather  than unwritten).  It  is  an  irony that their   system  of  government  has retained   a  large  degree  of  the   monarchical   and   aristocratic principles   whilst  that of Britain has  removed  power  remorselessly from  King  and aristocracy and placed it resolutely in  the  hands  of elected   representatives  who  have  no  formal  mandate  beyond   the representation of their constituents.

The  Declaration  of  Independence is full of  phrases  and  sentiments redolent of English liberty.  The prime political texts of the American revolution  were those of the Englishmen John Locke and Tom Paine.  The American  Constitution is designed to alleviate faults in  the  British Constitution not to abrogate it utterly. The first ten amendments which form  the  American  Bill of Rights draw  their  inspiration  from  the English  Bill  of Rights granted by William of  Orange.   The  American Revolution was conducted by men whose whole thought was in the English political tradition.

The  English influence is written deeply into the American   landscape. Take  a  map  of the States and see how many of  the  place  names  are English,  even outside the original thirteen colonies which formed  the USA. Note that they are divided into parishes and counties.

Above  all  other  cultural influences  stands  the  English  language. Bismarck thought that the fact that America spoke English was the  most significant  political  fact of his time. I am inclined to  agree  with him.  But at a more  fundamental level, the simple fact that English is spoken  by Americans as their first language  means that their  thought processes will be broadly similar to that of the English.  Language  is the ultimate colonisation of a people.

Moreover,  the  English spoken by the majority of Americans   is  still very much the English of their forebears. It is, for example,  far less mutated  than  the English spoken in India.   The English  have  little difficulty  in understanding Americans whatever their regional  origin. Indeed,  it may come as a surprise to many Americans that  the  average Englishman  probably finds it easier to understand most American  forms of  speech  than some  British accents and  dialects.  Americans  often affect  not to understand English accents, but it is amazing  how  well they can understand them when they need something.  Oscar Wilde’s aphorism that  “America  and  England  are two countries  divided  by  a  common language”  was witty but,  as with so much of what he said,  utterly at variance with reality.

The English heritage in America  is far from spent,  not merely in  its  language  and institutions,  but also in the fact that  more  Americans  have some form of English lineage than any other group and even if  the  do  not  think of themselves as English by descent,    the  personality traits of the English in as far as they are genetically determined  are passed   on  and   reinforced  by  those  extant  cultural  relics   of Englishness.

There  is a special relationship between England and America but it  is not the one beloved of politicians. The special relationship is one  of history and culture.  American culture is an evolved Englishness,  much added to superficially but still remarkably and recognisably English.

What applies to the USA, broadly applies  also to Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Even American actors go English . Those  old enough to remember the classic age of Hollywood will  recall the habit of American stars appearing in films with an English  context to resolutely refuse to make any attempt to adopt an English accent. In recent years there has been a complete reversal of this. To list just a few  big names:  Johnny Depp (The Libertine, From Hell,  Pirates of the Caribbean and Corpse Bride),  Julianne Moore (The End of the  Affair), John  Malkhovitch (The Libertine),  Gwyneth Paltrow (Emma  and  Sliding Doors),  Reese Witherspoon (Vanity Fair),   Danny Huston (The  Constant Gardener), Liv Ulman,  Viggo Mortensen, Elijah Wood and  Sam Astin (all Lord of the Rings), Natalie Portman (V for Vendetta) . Non-American  foreign  actors have also been doing their  bit.  Russell Crowe (Master and Commander), Brendan Gleeson (Troy), Eric Bana (Troy), Cate Blanchett (The End of the Affair), Nicole Kidman (The Others), Natalie Portman (V for Vendetta).

The  success  of English films in  America also gives the  lie  to  the American’s frequent claim that they cannot understand what the  English say because they “kinda talk funny”.  This fantasy is mercilessly guyed in the film The Limey where Terrence Stamp plays a cockney gangster  in America  and  the  American  characters  constantly  say  they   cannot understand him.  In fact, as anyone who has had dealings with Americans will know they can all understand very well – when they want something.

It  is  perhaps not so surprising that films with  RP  speakers  in  it should  be understood by Americans,  but  it is noteworthy  that   they also  watched  in large numbers the two Guy  Ritchie  mockney  gangster films which were full of the cockney vernacular.  They watched in  even greater numbers Johnny Depp’s hilarious take off of Rolling Stone Keith Richard in Pirates of the Caribbean.

Don’t laugh; Labour are flying the English flag

Anglophobia has been around the Labour Party ever since Labour shifted focus from the white working class as their core support to the groups protected by political correctness – women, gays and most importantly ethnic minorities. This switch took place gradually in the 1980s.

At first the Anglophobia was muted, but as the party moved away from support for the unions,   embraced  the EU and gradually converted to the worship of the market and private enterprise  the anti-English bigotry grew. These changesl meant that support for the white working class became ever more implausible as anti-union laws were supported by Labour, the European single market effectively ended Britain’s immigration controls allowing hordes of foreign labour in to compete for jobs  and the acceptance of globalism laid waste much of Britain’s industry.  After Blair became Party leader in 1994 he completed the process of turning Labour into a Thatcherite party with political correctness grafted on.

All of this meant that Labour needed both a new creed to allow them to satisfy their natural instincts to control  lives of those they rule and to provide new electoral support to replace losses amongst the white working class.  To this end they embraced ever more fanatically  the totalitarian creed which became political correctness and pandered to the Celts, from whom a disproportionate proportion of their MPs came, with devolved powers and assemblies and  the continuation of huge English subsidies to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland (currently around £15 billion pa  – seehttp://englandcalling.wordpress.com/2010/11/12/celtic-hands-deep-in-english-taxpayers%e2%80%99-pockets/ ) .    Having done this, they were forced to prevent the English having a devolved Parliament and devolved powers because they knew that  if they  existed it was improbable that Labour would ever hold power in England (it is historically rare for Labour to get a majority of English seats in the Commons) and  exceedingly difficult for a  Labour government to be able to  continue sending truckloads of English taxpayers money to the Celts if they could only form a UK government with large numbers of non-English seats.

As these things  will, the need to keep English dissent under wraps made Labour politicians ever more strident in their Anglophobia.  Here is Jack Straw when Home Secretary:

“The English are potentially very aggressive, very violent. We have used this propensity to violence to subjugate Ireland, Wales and Scotland. Then we used it in Europe and with our empire, so I think what you have within the UK is three small nations…who’ve been over the centuries under the cosh of the English. Those small nations have inevitably sought expression by a very explicit idea of nationhood. You have this very dominant other nation, England, 10 times bigger than the others, which is self-confident and therefore has not needed to be so explicit about its expression. I think as we move into this new century, people’s sense of Englishness will become more articulated and that’s partly because of the mirror that devolution provides us with and because we are becoming more European at the same” (BBC Radio Four’s Brits  10 January 2000 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/596703.stm )

Or take a Labour backbencher ,  the German Gisela Stuart

“Yet it has only been in the last five years or so that I have heard people in my constituency telling me, “I am not British – I am English”. That worries me. British identity is based on and anchored in its political and legal institutions and this enables it to take in new entrants more easily than it would be if being a member of a nation were to be defined by blood. But a democratic polity will only work if citizens’ identification is with the community as a whole, or at least with the shared process, which overrides their loyalty to a segment.  (15 11 2005 http://www.opendemocracy.net/democracy-opening/trust_3030.jsp)

Having  lost the last election Labour are in a quandary.   They do not know whether to stick or twist on England and the English.   Their choice is either  to continue the policy of the last 25 years and hope that the electoral pendulum will swing  back to them or seek renewed support for Labour  from the English.  The first option has its attractions especially if the referendum on AV goes through for then they could envisage a perpetual  coalition with the Lib Dems.  The problem with that scenario is that the Lib Dems, or at least a substantial part of the party, may decide to prefer a coalition with the Tories or the  Lib Dems may lose a great deal of electoral support even under AV  and  represent a much less attractive proposition. Moreover, it is difficult to see the AV Bill being passed unless it  (1) has the provisions to equalise constituency sizes (which would favour the Tories)  and (2) can become law in time for the new constituency boundaries to be in position for the next General Election. The worst outcome for Labour would be for the AV referendum to be lost but the equalisation of constituencies made law This would put the party  at a considerable disadvantage.

All of this uncertainty is bad enough, but even if there was to be no electoral change Labour would still have considerable cause for concern.  Labour were in power a long time and electors since 1945  have been  reluctant to toss out  any party after a single Parliament.  The fact that we have a coalition probably strengthens this tendency.  Add to that the widespread dislike of NuLabour policies and loathing of Blair, and the economic mess Brown  left and Labour can have little confidence that they will form the next government even as part of a coalition. That means that some in the party are seeing the need to appeal to the English in general and the white working class in particular.  That is what the article by Jon Cruddas and Jonathan Rutherford addresses (see extract below).

As the party they represent has in the past 13 years done everything it could to enrage the English by the denial of  an English parliament, continuing subsidies to the Celts , the ruthless suppression of any display of English national feeling, the public insult of the English,  the export of English  jobs and industry and massive immigration to Britain which has overwhelming come to England, it might be thought that they have a hopeless task, at least in the short run.  However, this may be a false interpretation of present British politics.  The policy may succeed by default because no other British mainstream party  will take up the English baton and run with it. (Sadly, the Anglophobic  line has also become part of the NuTory  philosophy. Here is Willam Hague when Tory leader : “English nationalism is the most dangerous of all forms of nationalism that can arise within the United Kingdom, because England is five-sixths of the population of the UK.” ” (BBC Radio Four’s Brits  10 January 2000 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk/596703.stm ).  That may drive the English to Labour out of desperation,  even though you can be sure that the version of Englishness and English interests will be one heavily tainted with political correctness.

Selling England by the pound

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Labour has come close to being destroyed as a national force in England. Jon Cruddas and Jonathan Rutherford believe it has lost the language and culture it grew out of

In Dover the port is up for sale and the people are campaigning to buy it and create a community asset. They don’t want a foreign-owned port, they want a people’s port that is ‘forever England’. Football supporters are building community-based organisations by share purchase – in Liverpool, for example – to save our clubs from foreign corporate power. In the Forest of Dean, thousands are rallying in protest at the plans by the government to sell England’s forests which are England’s ‘green beating heart’. In London, porters at Billingsgate fish market campaigned to stop the City of London abolishing their ancient English role and making them redundant. Where is Labour in the fight for an England which belongs to the English just as they belong to the land?

Labour is no longer sure who it represents. It champions humanity in general but no-one in particular. It favours multiculturalism but suspects the symbols and iconography of Englishness. For all the good Labour did in government, it presided over the leaching away of the common meanings that bind the English in society. It did not build a common good which is the basis of an ethical life. It chose liberal market freedoms for the price of our liberty and our sense of belonging.

The open economy is England’s historic legacy. Trade is in our national DNA. But the economy has become an engine of inequality, division and dispossession. A financialised model of capitalism has redistributed wealth on a massive scale from the country to the City, from the people to the financial elite, and from the common ownership of the public sector to private business. We do not own our utilities, nor do we have control of our vital energy market. The overseas supply chains of business located here are the chief beneficiaries of our economic upswings. A flexible employment market has stripped workers of rights and security. Our soft-touch approach on corporate tax has encouraged tax evasion and transfer pricing as business relocates its profits to tax havens. It is as if we do not live in a country so much as an economic system that is owned elsewhere and over which we have no control.

Labour lost England in the 2010 May election and the cause is about more than just ‘Southern Discomfort’. Labour shares a political crisis of social democracy with its sister parties across Europe. But in England something more fundamental has been lost, and that is a Labour language and culture which belongs to the society it grew out of and which enables its immersion in the ordinary everyday life of the people. It has lost the ability to renew its political hegemony within the class which gave birth to it. It was its apparent indifference to ‘what really matters’ that incited such rage and contempt amongst constituencies which had been traditional bastions of support.

Read more at http://www.progressonline.org.uk/articles/article.asp?a=7451

The great anti-patriot

The news that the singer-songwriter (I use the term with extreme laity) Billy Bragg has been the subject of  mail which has the temerity to point out the disjunction between his ostensible political views and his manner of life. Headed “The Village Idiot”  the letter ran:  

 ‘ Billy “BIGHEAD” Bragg can orate as long as he likes about his “England” but the message that comes from this bilious Marxist singer is that he has shunned the poor   embattled English he was raised amongst  to bask in celebrity style in Burton Bradstock overlooking the English Channel.    

 In his own words the only ‘person of colour’  in the area is the Asian who runs the local garage/store but Bragg is always harping onto people not to vote BNP.             

“ Billy ‘socialist leftist marxist’ moved out of multicultural London years ago to live in a mansion in Dorset which is just about the whitest part of England.

I would say that the man is a “hypocrite” to put it mildly. 

Racial attacks on white people in England (by mostly males) are now reaching something like epidemic proportions , and Billy “BIGHEAD”  wants this for Dorset.

He is a sad, sad apology for an Englishman. He even wants to pull down the Union Jack.

Bragg is useless as a singer and as a man, you traitor.’ (http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1344406/Musician-Billy-Bragg-victim-malicious-hate-mail-attack-Dorset-village.html)

Not the most fluent or elegant piece of writing, but it does make its point which is an increasingly potent one, namely, that those who incessantly bang on about the joys of diversity invariably show a remarkable aversion to being one of its beneficiaries in their own lives.  

 Those unfamiliar with Bragg need a few facts about him to understand what the writer of the anonymous note is getting at.  Bragg has made his living and reputation as a political anima through his songs and ordinary political campaigning. He promotes both the idea of an England of allcomers – a subject he deals with in his book The Progressive Patriot (2006) – and traditional socialist values wrapped in what he fondly but mistakenly imagines are the roots of English socialism, namely, the Levellers who arose during the English civil. (He is mistaken because the Levellers were fighting not for economic but political change, for the right of most but not all men to vote with women completely  left out of the enfranchisement equation. The Levellers far from wanting socialist measures, developed ideas  which foreshadowed much of the political thinking of Locke, the arch political and economic individualist. )

Bragg’s socialism came before his  “ progressive patriotism” . He backed the miners’ strike of 1984 and became part of Red Wedge, a group of musicians who campaigned against Thatcher in the 1987 general election.  His interest in   what it is to be an English patriot is a relative latecomer with  his first serious public foray being his  2002 album England, Half-English.  Bragg’s  idea of what constitutes both patriotism and Englishness is distinctly rum, for what he calls his patriotism is a recipe for dissolving Englishness which in turn would render the idea of patriotism in an English context  an absurdity.

What does Bragg mean by Englishness?  Essentially whatever it evolves into.  He religiously promotes the idea of England as being a land of immigrants, even  citing the expression “Anglo-Saxon” as evidence of mixed roots.   Of course if you go back far enough all nations  are the creation of migrants., but that misses the point of nations, namely,  they are the tribe writ large. A nation only exists when  all those enclosed within it see themselves as  belonging to it and are accepted by the others in the nation as belonging.  What Bragg advocates is the inclusion within Englishness of any migrant from any background  regardless of whether or not they can realistically be accepted as English or think of themselves as English.  The  logical end of Bragg’s mentality is that it would not matter if not a single person who would now be considered unequivocally English existed provided there was a land called England filled by whomsoever.  This stands to patriotism as anti-matter stands to matter.

 In his “anti-racist” crusade Bragg advocates  the “re-claiming” of symbols of English patriotism such as the cross of St George from what he fondly imagines is “the extreme  Right”.  As polls relating to immigration and multiculturalism invariably show large majorities opposed at some level to both,  to say that those expressing concern about the way this is changing England represent “the extreme  Right” is clearly nonsense.  All Bragg is encountering is the entirely natural human resistance to the invasion of territory by those who do not belong to the nation.

Back to the complaints made by the anonymous writer. It is very odd indeed that someone who professes such a love of diversity should choose to live in a Dorset village which is probably as  white and English a place you could find these days.  If diversity  is such a wonderful thing why is Bragg not choosing to live amongst it? Tellingly, he has not moved to a village in the county of birth and upbringing, Essex.  Parts of Essex  are rural, so he could have found similar physical surroundings to where he now lives.   The difference with Dorset  of course is that  Essex is rapidly being filled with immigrants.  Writing in the Telegraph (12 4 2010) Ed West got to the heart of Bragg’s unspoken situation:

‘Laban Tall has an interesting take on it, pointing out that Bragg now echoes the revised Labour policy. The official line used to be “multiculturalism is great for everyone”; these days it’s “we realise now that mass immigration is actually pretty terrible for the poor, but we’ve gone this far, so you’ll have to put it up with it; or vote for a party founded by a man who used to spend his weekends dressing up in brown shirt uniforms.”

‘Many people considering that party are not, I suspect, very keen on “sending back” their ethnic friends, but on stopping the Government importing any more people. And they know Labour are not going to stop now – they’re too much in thrall to the race relations industry and too many MPs rely on ethnic minority votes. They’ve invested too much in mass immigration. To admit mistakes would be like a cult member entertaining the possibility that the guy who says we’re all going to be beamed up to heaven in a spaceship is not, after all, the reincarnation of Jesus, but a mental case.’ (http://blogs.telegraph.co.uk/news/edwest/100033896/billy-bragg-battles-the-bnp-over-englands-soul-%E2%80%93-but-does-it-have-one-any-more/)

Bragg is doubly a hypocrite. Not only does he shun the joy of diversity, but he lives the life of a rich man. His house in Dorset is large with a fair sized garden. The Daily Telegraph value it at £1.5 million. (http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/music/music-news/8241614/Hate-mail-urges-villagers-to-drive-out-Billy-Bragg.html)  . It is more than a little difficult to see how someone living the life of a rich man can really understand what it is to be poor, especially poor, white and English in areas of heavy  immigrant settlement. He has a further problem. Someone who proclaims themselves to  be a socialist is faced with the moral question of why should I have so much when so many have so little? How does that fit into the socialist dictum of  “ to each according to his need”?  Frankly, it cannot. Moreover, Bragg makes a great thing of personal freedom.  As my old history teacher never ceased saying “Money is power”.  That being so, equality of material circumstances ought to be his aim.

Material success brings a change in mentality and experience. Bragg has gone from being one of the have-nots to the haves. His position is now essentially that of patron/leftist celebrity not  the grass roots “I’m defending myself and my class” red radical he appears to still imagine himself to be.

The Archers: An everyday story of simple politically correct folk

The longest running soap-opera in the world, The Archers*, has just jettisoned one of its longest serving (30 years) and most popular characters, the stately home owner Nigel Pargetter, who hurtled to his fictional death from the roof of  his house on the programme’s 60th anniversary . The official BBC   explanation for killing off  the character was the need for drama on such an anniversary, but it has been widely remarked by many regular listeners that Pargetter was one of the very few upper-class characters in the soap and the suspicion is that the editor of the Archers is pursuing a policy of social cleansing, with toffs and members of the middle class who do not resemble Outraged of Islington in increasing peril. Well, stranger things have happened in the fictional village of Ambridge in which the Archers is set.  

Ambridge is supposed to be a small English village (with a population of a couple of hundred at best) set in farming country in the English midlands y, the sort of place where the inhabitants have only just taught themselves not to point at aeroplanes, at least not when strangers are present. Into this environment the BBC has introduced in the past ten years, a homosexual couple running one of the village pubs, an Asian solicitor (whose circle of Asian relatives and friends is currently being assiduously introduced into the cast), a female vicar, a working-class male vicar whose deceased wife was black and whose teenage daughter is in modish socialworkspeak of “dual heritage”. This daughter immediately became “best friends” with the youngest and very middle-class daughter of the richest farmer in the village, Brian Aldridge. The grandmother of the vicar’s daughter, a particularly irritating caricature of a god-fearing black Jamaican, has been shoehorned into a story of drug abuse in the village, the drug abuse involving (natch) a white addict being supplied by supplied by white dealers.

One of the daughters (Kate) of Brian Aldridge, has married a black South African and has another “dual heritage” child. The stepson of the same farmer, Adam Macy, has returned and “come out” and has begun an affair with the new Grey Gables chef, a homosexual Ulsterman with a bizarre persona – think of a young and mincing Ian Paisley.

White characters introduced into the serial in the past decade or so have shown a new trend. A surprising number of them are not English. The homosexual Ulster chef is one example., the loutish Scotchman Jazza McCreadie another. Then there was the now dead beautiful Irish siren who seduced Brian Aldridge. Their love-child Ruairi (pronounced Rory) has lived for several years in England since he came to England aged four yet still speaks with a broad Irish accent. As many listeners and reviewers have pointed out, in real life  he would long ago have lost his Irish accent. However, that would not fit in with the determination of those in charge of the serial to promote their multicultural fantasy.  

To these particular PC character developments may be added certain general PC rules of the series. Except in very special circumstances where they can act as useful idiots in the PC cause by moving temporarily out of character, all men are either bastards or wimps, in either case possessing the emotional IQ of a brick wall; all women are heroically struggling to tolerate their men; any ethnic character is a model of rectitude, vastly able and, if young, beautiful or handsome. No male character may criticise any female character unless a female character is available to correct them. No white character other than Roy Tucker (more about him later) has ever been known to criticise a black or Asian character and under all normal circumstances no mention will be made of the fact that they are not white.  Kate Aldridge’s black South African husband managed to appear for weeks in the serial without anyone commenting on the fact he is black, ditto the “dual heritage” children of the marriage and the daughter of the current vicar.

There are also class and age rules. Increasingly, the higher the social status, the worse the characters behave. In any conflict of views with someone of a lower social status, the higher status person will be made to seem inept at best or wrong-headed at worst. Where the class of the characters in a scene is the same, the female dominance rule applies if the company is mixed-sex.

As for age, the older cast members are normally used to express non-PC views, for example, the matriarch of the Archer family, Peggy Woolley,refused to accept the female vicar and the erstwhile  landlord of The Bull, Sid Perks, evinced a dislike of homosexuals. Very occasionally a younger cast member is allowed to express non-PC views, as was the case with Roy Tucker, who had a brief flirtation with the local racists. But old or young, the non-PC character is invariably nullified by large numbers of characters with PC views and frequently contradicted directly. The non-PC character is simply there to act as a theatrical device to amplify the PC message.

There is always  great joy over the non-PC sinner who repenteth, which they almost invariably do in remarkably abrupt and unconvincing fashion. Roy Tucker went from support for National Front-style politics  to being the shiniest of “new men” in a trice. More recently Tony Archer has gone  from a distraught father hating the fact his daughter Helen has become pregnant through artificial insemination to an OTT doting grandfather  the instant the  child is born replete with Maoist confessions of fault. That set a trend as all recent new fathers in the serial have had the same fate thrust upon them.

If there is an Archers’group more at risk than toffs, it is men. .Nigel Pargetter joins Greg Turner(blew his brains out with a shotgun), Sid Perks (dies suddenly at a relatively young age),  John Archer (crushed to death by a tractor) and  George Barford (natural causes) who have all died before their time in recent years.   

When they are not dying, the Ambridge men are going in for armed robbery (Clive Horribin), becoming down-and-outsand  taking class A drugs (Ed Grundy), suffering brain damage through taking ketamine (Jazza McCready), having affairs and fathering a bastard (Brian Aldridge), engaging in racist acid attacks (Roy Tucker), committing adultery with your brother’;s wife (Ed Grundy),  engaging in violent assault (Will Grundy), committing rape (the rape of Cathy Perks), vandalising property (Jamie Perks), becoming addicted to gambling (Alastair Hebbden-Lloyd), engaging in massive fraud ( Matt Crawford and Stephen Chalkman) or simply going senile (Jack Woolley). 

Female characters are treated completely differently, with characters dying much less frequently and showing absolutely no propensity for crime bar one exception, the harbouring of Clive Horribin by his sister Susan after he had gone on the run from the police. That, of course, was presented as being the wicked man (Clive) forcing  his sister to break the law. It is also interesting that while there have been four male gay characters, the Archers has yet to see any “girl-on-girl”action.

Hilarious as all this is to those of us with a weakness for agitprop – we just cannot resist the clankingly crude propaganda lines masquerading as fact and reality – I cannot help feeling that it may not be quite what The Archers’ audience generally favour. Indeed, they may be so unprogressive as to think that a small English village set in farming country might look rather different from the current very PC world of The Archers. Their idea of the village could well be one where the inhabitants are uniformly white and English. Where support for country pursuits is perilously close to 100 percent. Where homosexual rights are not an issue because there are no overt homosexuals in the community. Where sexual equality is thought to be “damn nonsense”. Where a female vicar would be thought unworthy of the name of priest. Where the sight of strangers would be cause for frank and extended comment. Where the sight of a black or brown face would arouse the same sort of amazement as the aeroplanes going overhead.

Such a village would be a House of Horrors for The Archers’ producer and writers, a creation made all the more terrifying because somewhere in the remote recesses of their minds they will dimly know it represented reality, or at least came much closer to reality than their nightly bill of politically correct multicultural fare. That The Archers is simply a vehicle for the more extreme PC propagandists within the BBC is self-evident. The question is should we lament its existence? I suggest the answer is no, because it performs the vital function of demonstrating beyond any shadow of doubt the institutionalised political bias within the [British Broadcasting] Corporation. That bias cannot be explained away for, unlike news and current affairs programmes where apologists for the corporation can fudge the issue of bias by pointing to such things as pressure of time or news priorities, The Archers shows the view of the world the BBC wishes to put before its audience. It is their articulated political dream, created at leisure and unmarked by any dissenting voice.

*The Archers is the longest running radio soap in the world, having been on air continuously since 1951 (BBC Radio 4)

English education: the roots of its politicisation

When I left school in the mid-sixties the Empire was effectively finished – the final nail in the coffin of imperial feeling was banged in by our entry into the EU in 1972,  which alienated the  white dominions – and a new spirit of anti-Establishment feeling was beginning to erode school discipline. But progressive ideals had not yet taken hold the  educational establishment and the comprehensive disaster was only in its infancy. The school leaving exams, the O and A Levels, were a real test of competence in both their subjects and of  the literacy and numeracy of candidates. To take but one example of the difference between then and now: even O Level science exams had, for 16-year-olds, demanding practicals as well as written papers. 

By the mid seventies the grammar schools had been reduced to a rump of a few hundred. Ironically, most of those which had converted to  comprehensive schools or which had chosen to become private schools to preserve their status,  had been forced to change by a supposedly conservative government, that of Ted Heath, whose education minister was  Margaret  Thatcher.  The  failure  of  Heath  to  stop comprehensivisation  was a harbinger of what was to happen under the future Conservative governments of Thatcher and Major.

Comprehensivisation

The comprehensive ideal  is not innately wrong.  Children of very widely differing abilities can be successfully taught  together. Traditionally, the greatest public schools  in England have been  comprehensives of a sort.  They took boys who varied from the exceptionally bright to the stonewall stupid and managed largely  to successfully educate both groups and all those in between.  The very bright won scholarships to Oxbridge, while the stonewall stupid  at least left school functionally literate.

But these schools were hopeless models for a  state comprehensive system. They drew almost all of their pupils from the middle and upper classes  and the resources available to the schools from fees and endowments vastly outstripped any that could ever be available to state funded schools. The social class of the pupils meant that the pupils had expectations of being in the higher reaches of society when they entered adult life and parents who actively wanted and expected their children to be educated. To these advantages were added  greatly  superior financial resources which permitted the recruitment of first rate staff, small classes and personal tuition.

A general comprehensive system lacks the advantages of a great public school.  Most of the schools will be dominated by the children of the working class simply because they are by far the most numerous.  That would be true even if all private schools were abolished and “bussing” of middle and upper class children was enforced to ensure that schools were socially mixed.

Inevitably the adult expectations of working class children tend to be lower than those of the middle and upper classes. Their parents are generally less supportive of the idea of education. A significant minority are actively hostile to their children becoming better educated than they are because it divorces the children from their workingclass roots.  Few will be able to provide active academic  assistance to their children.  Those facts alone make mixed ability teaching difficult. Add in the much smaller financial resources available to state schools – which expresses itself in larger classes, a narrower curriculum and, on average,  less able and  less  well motivated staff  – and you have a recipe for low educational attainment. In such schools the bright and academically interested  pupils often become isolated, under-challenged intellectually  and frequently bullied, while the duller,  non-academic majority  are allowed to plough an educational furrow,  which stretches from  academic inadequacy to an outright failure of education. 

In practice comprehensivisation was much worse than that.  Bussing was not enforced.  The better off continued to send their children to fee-paying  schools – today approximately 7 per cent  of  our schoolchildren are privately educated, a higher proportion than in the 1960s when many middleclass parents were happy to send their children to state grammar schools. (It is a grand irony that comprehensivisation rescued the public schools,  many of which were  struggling to maintain numbers by 1965).

Social segregation by the use of fee-paying schools was amplified both by the natural segregation of social classes into geographical areas – in the absence of enforced “bussing” a middle class suburb will have a local school which is largely filled with middleclass children – and by the widespread practice of middle class parents moving to areas where good state schools were available. The consequence has been a state school system which is heavily segregated by class, with the schools dominated by the working class tending to be the lowest achieving.

The subversion of the social mixing part of the comprehensive ideal was further  complicated by mass immigration. This introduced not only racial and ethnic conflict into schools, a toxic enough disruptive element in itself, but also created grave practical problems  because so many of the immigrant children did not have a competence in English.  The  official promotion of multiculturalism and  its concomitant  idea  that any member of an  ethnic  minority  is  automatically a victim of white society  complicated the position further, not least in the area of discipline. Ethnic minorities soon realised  that in the context of an  official  sponsorship  of “victimhood”  they could get away with more and more. Native English  children seeing this, naturally enough, also became more inclined to  misbehave. 

Because immigrants settled almost entirely in large towns and cities, these problems were and are confined almost exclusively to schools where the white pupils were workingclass, who found  their already inferior opportunities for education further reduced. Worse,  immigration was the final lever which allowed progressive education to not only gain absolute ascendency in the English state  educational system, but to transform the progressive ideal into an overt political ideology, the ideology we know today as political correctness.

A guide to Anglophobe propaganda

The England-haters use contradictory propaganda tactics in their quest to undermine any attempt to give England a political voice or any other  point of national focus.  They argue that England is too large to be given a parliament because it would be overly dominant in what would be a de facto federal Britain (Ken Clarke). They say that the English cannot be trusted with power because they are a violent people (Jack Straw). They rant that  English nationalism is dangerous (Gisele Stuart). On the obverse of the Anglophobe propaganda coin they argue that there is no such thing as Englishness, no such people as the England, that England is simply a geographical expression (John Prescott).    The two positions: that the English are dangerously nationalistic and there is no such thing as the English cannot both be  sustained, because if the English do not exist they cannot be dangerously nationalistic and if they are dangerously nationalistic they must exist.

The anti-English camp can rely on Britain’s national politicians to decide whether or not England has a Parliament and a government devoted to her sole interests.  Other points of national focus such as England’s dominant role in world history and her sporting teams are more problematic because , unlike an English Parliament and government,  they actually exist. The Anglophobes deal with the history problem with a two-pronged attack.

They ensure that English history is barely taught in schools and such history as is taught is slanted to cast the English (and British) in the role of historical villains, most notably in the case of the Atlantic slave trade, the British Empire  (although little is taught about the Empire beyond  the message that it was a case of colonial exploitation and that it was that exploitation which made England/Britain rich, a claim which at best is simply wrong  – it was the industrial revolution which made England then Britain rich – and at worst a politically motivated lie.  Teaching the history of the Empire in any depth would of course run the risk of those being taught beginning to think what an amazing thing it was for a country  on the edge of Europe to have  created such a political and geographical edifice and from there to begin to think that only an extraordinary people could have managed such a feat.

As for institutions such as England’s national sporting teams,  there is nothing the England-hater likes more than to see such teams being regularly beaten.  To this end virtually unfettered access to England’s top-level sporting  club sides by foreign players and coaches is permitted. This results in fewer and fewer opportunities for English players  even in the most popular English game, football, where less than a third of the players who start in the Premier league each week are English.   This smaller player pool also gives national selectors the excuse to try foreign players who have qualified for England through very lax qualification rules to play in England sides, a fact that drives the Anglophobes to paroxysms of delight for the more than an England side is one only in name, the happier they are for it satisfies their desire to both have a side which is less and less attractive to the English and one which represents their fantasy of a “diverse England”.  For the same reason of “diversity” the Anglophobes also energetically urge the selection of  English born blacks and Asians at the slightest provocation. Let  an Asian take five wickets in a County Championship match or a black score a couple of goals in the Premier league and he immediately becomes in the eyes of the politically correct an England prospect.   

Political correctness is the other great Anglophobe engine.  By making “discrimination” the supposed test of fairness for any situation, the politically correct have made it impossible for any perceived favouring of the English, even if this is merely to extol the merits and accomplishments of the English, to occur without squeals of racism, xenophobia, English arrogance and English nationalism  rising from the white English-haters and their ethnic minority clients. Mass immigration allows this type of mentality unlimited rein.

The Anglophobe desire to dilute Englishness as a concept can be seen in two recent media stories.  A film of the Hobbit is to be made in New Zealand. When Hobbit extras were being selected an Asian woman Naz Humphreys, was initially rejected by the casting manager with the words  ”We are looking for light-skinned people. I’m not trying to be – whatever. It’s just the brief. You’ve got to look like a Hobbit.” (Daily Telegraph 29 Nov 2010). Ms Humphrey’s inanely  commented  ”It’s 2010 and I still can’t believe I’m being discriminated against because I have brown skin.” (ibid).  She then complained to the director Peter Jackson whose spokesman came along with the routine crawling pc response,  describing the casting director’s words as “an incredibly unfortunate error” and  insisting that no one at a senior level would ever “  issue instructions of this kind to the casting crew. All people meeting the age and height requirements are welcome to audition.” (ibid).  The outcome will doubtless be a sprinkling of what Dame Edna Everidge calls “tinted folk” amongst the extras in what is a quintessentially English tale which shock horror! was conceived as being entirely white. How do we know this? Tolkein tells us . Here is his  description of Hobbits: “Their faces were as a rule good-natured rather than beautiful, broad, bright-eyed, red-cheeked with mouths apt to laughter and to eating and drinking.” (From the prologue of the Lord of the Rings.)  It is instructive to compare the politically correct response to an Asian playing a white part with the hostile reaction  to white person playing  Othello when the squeals of politically correct rage are unending.

But we do not have to rely solely on a physical description of Hobbits. Tolkein’s stated intention was to create an English myth:

“I had a mind to make a body of more or less connected legend, ranging from  the large and cosmogonic, to the level of romantic fairy-story – the larger founded on the lesser in contact with the earth, the lesser drawing  splendour from the vast backcloths- which I would dedicate simply to: England; to my country. It would possess the tone and quality that I desired, somewhat cool and clear, be redolent of our ‘air’ (the clime and  soil of the North West, meaning Britain and the hither parts of Europe: not Italy or the Aegean, still less the east), and, while  possessing (if I could achieve it) the fair elsuive beauty that some call Celtic (though it is rarely found in genuine  ancient Celtic things), it should be ‘high’, purged of the gross, and fit for the more adult mind of a land now long steeped in poetry.”

He wished to do this because:  “I was from early days grieved by the poverty of my own beloved country: it had no stories of its own, not of the quality that I sought, and found in legends of other lands. There was Greek, and Celtic, and Romance, Germanic, Scandinavian, and Finnish, but nothing English, save impoverished chapbook stuff.”

Englishness is also attacked more obliquely. Take the latest film in the Narnia series, “The Dawn Treader”.  The C S Lewis books from which the film adaptations are made are both very English in character and tone, but they are also built around a resolutely  Christian theology.  England is not a Christian country in the sense of  most of its people being worshipping Christians, but Christianity is woven into its historical and moral fabric.  It is part of the English cultural skeleton.

In the Narnia books represents Christ or if you prefer Christian values though the lion Aslan. Lewis described Aslan as ‘ “ an invention giving an imaginary answer to the question: “What might Christ become like if there really were a world like Narnia?”.’ (Daily Telegraph 04 Dec 2010).

In  “The Dawn Treader”,  Aslan is voiced by the Irish actor Liam Neeson.  After its release Neeson said: “Aslan symbolises a Christlike figure, but he also symbolises for me Mohammed, Buddha and all the great spiritual leaders and prophets over the centuries.

“That’s who Aslan stands for as well as a mentor figure for kids – that’s what he means for me.”  (ibid)

Walter Hooper, Lewis’s former secretary and a trustee of his estate, commented  “It is nothing whatever to do with Islam. Lewis would have simply denied that. He wrote that ‘the whole Narnian story is about Christ’. Lewis could not have been clearer.”  (ibid).  

The intent of comments such as Neeson is to reduce the world to a multi-cultural soup which remove works such as Narnia away from their English roots.

Such behaviour is  not trivial  because these two examples of the deracination of Englishness are just that, examples.  This type of behaviour is commonplace and the steady drip, drip of the propaganda does have an effect. It should be vigorously  resisted on principle.

The British elite express their hatred and fear of England

John Prescott’s office in the Department of Nations and Regions (sic) in response to a question as to why we could not tick English in the nationality box on our census forms – “there is no such nationality as English.”

The official answer to the West Lothian Question has always been not to ask it. Once England enters the mix as an acknowledged grievance, stand back!

Anthony Barnett

New Statesman, The Staggers, 19 May 2010

There is no need for an English parliament because there is no England.

PETER ARNOLD

NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE

Cllr Peter Arnold

Letter in the Independent, 17th March, 2006

 The average Englishman thinks that they have got a Parliament which is the Westminster Parliament and I think resentment could perfectly well be sorted out so long as we could tackle what I regard as this niggle that sometimes English matters are setlled against the majority of votes of the English MPs. This English Parliament would be quite a dangerous remedy to that because it will just take a little step further this sense of separate identity.

Ken Clarke

House of Commons’ Justice Select Committee, 20th February, 2008

 You hear people yelling about some looming crisis. What do you do? You sit back, sip your cooling tea and don’t bother your fat backside. How else can we explain the utter lack of interest in the possibility of the breakup of Britain, at least as far as the English majority is concerned?

Andrew Marr

Guardian, 18th April 1999

 Sometimes people say to me ‘You know, David, it would be easier to be Prime Minister if you wanted just to be Prime Minister of England’. And I say ‘I don’t want to be Prime Minister of England, I want to be Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, all of it, Scotland included’. I believe in the United Kingdom head, heart and soul. I would never do anything to put it at risk. People need to know that.

David Cameron

Press Association, 14th May 2010

However much we disagree about issues, we should try to work together for the benefit of the whole of the United Kingdom and for the benefit of Scotland as well.

David Cameron

Speech in the Scottish Parliament, BBC, 14 May 2010

I don’t care whether pandering to English Nationalism is a vote winner. The very fact that in my two years as leader I haven’t ripped open the Barnett Formula and wandered round England waving a banner shows you that I am a very convinced Unionist and I’m not going to play those games.

David Cameron

Telegraph, 10 Dec 2007

English resentment of the Scots should never be underestimated as an emotional or indeed a political force. No home-grown Conservative descanting on the iniquities of the modern political system can last more than a minute without noting that Labour’s stranglehold over the Commons rests on its 50 or so Scottish MPs. The West Lothian question, whereby Scottish Labour MPs can intervene in English domestic affairs but not vice-versa, burns unappeasably on.

DJ Taylor

Independent, 6 December 2009

Since devolution there has been a growing English consciousness and that has given credence to the unfinished business of devolution. The issue is not an English Parliament. It is how you reform the way in which the House of Commons operates so that on purely English business, as opposed to United Kingdom business, the wishes of English members cannot be denied.

Malcolm Rifkind

Daily Mail, 28 October 2007

The creation of an English Parliament is likely to threaten the stability of the Union. For this reason an England-wide solution to governance of England is unsustainable.

John Tomaney

Empowering the English Regions, 1999

Whether in the Labour Party, the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party or the Ulster Unionists—all of us who share the desire to preserve the Union, must insist that this House does not become an English Parliament. It must be a British Parliament as long as the Union exists, and for it to be a British Parliament it must have roughly comparable powers and responsibilities for the four countries of the Union.

Malcolm Rifkind

Hansard, 14 November 1977

The average Englishman thinks that they have got a Parliament which is the Westminster Parliament and I think resentment could perfectly well be sorted out so long as we could tackle what I regard as this niggle that sometimes English matters are setlled against the majority of votes of the English MPs. This English Parliament would be quite a dangerous remedy to that because it will just take a little step further this sense of separate identity.

Ken Clarke

House of Commons’ Justice Select Committee, 20th February, 2008

The re-emergence of Welsh, Scottish and indeed English nationalism . . . can be seen not just as the natural outcome of cultural diversity, but as a response to a broader loss of national, in the sense of British, identity.

Linda Colley

Britons: Forging the Nation

Government has attempted to tackle the question of national identity before, most recently with efforts by Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. These were expressions of nationhood concocted in Westminster against a benign economic backdrop. Now all our political parties must search for an animating, inclusive and optimistic definition of modern England to choke off what the EDL taps into.

John Cruddas

Sunday Times, 24th October 2010

Everyone pays the same taxes so public expenditure should be on a fair basis. Scotland has done very well, so it shouldn’t be subsidised. There is a danger to the union if extremists in England start saying, why is Scotland getting all this money? The Barnett formula needs to be looked at again.

Peter Bone

Sunday Times, 10 January, 2010

I was never a passionate devolutionist. It is a dangerous game to play. You can never be sure where nationalist sentiment ends and separatist sentiment begins… I supported the UK, distrusted nationalism as a concept and looked at the history books and worried whether we could get it through. However, though not passionate about it, I thought it inevitable. We didn’t want Scotland to feel the choice was status quo or separation.

Tony Blair

My father’s side of the family by being Camerons are predominantly Scottish. On my mother’s side of the family, her mother was a Llewellyn, so Welsh.

David Cameron

Telegraph, 10 Dec 2007

As the economies of Europe stutter and shrink, nationalism is on the rise almost everywhere. In Britain we have been blinded to it by our insularity and by the risible performance of the British National Party. But British nationalism is a red herring in this context. It’s the contest between Scottish nationalism and English nationalism that will do much to shape the future.

David Runciman

London Review of Books, Vol. 32 No. 10, 27th May 2010

The establishment of a Scottish Assembly must be a top priority to ensure that more decisions are taken in Scotland by Scots.

Margaret Thatcher

Edinburgh Rally, 1975

The danger is of a very virulent and unpleasant English nationalism arising after Scottish independence.

Vernon Bogdanor

Dinner with Portillo – Why Should We Care About Scottish Independence? BBC4, 15th Sept 2009

So far as I know, no one has yet put forward a positive case for devolution to England, based on a moral vision of what England and the English stand for or might come to stand for. Sadly, this is not surprising.

David Marquand

Our Kingdom, 7 January 2008

What moral vision does the revived English national consciousness embody? It’s pitifully inadequate to say that England should have a devolved government because that is what the Scots and Welsh now have, and leave it at that.

David Marquand

Our Kingdom, 7 January 2008

I believe that devolution has made us stronger as a United Kingdom and given democratic accountability for decisions in Scotland and Wales that used to be made centrally. Across the country, we need to see whether there are further ways of devolving power. However, I do not see a new parliament for England as the answer. The vast majority of the UK parliament is comprised of English MPs, and so there is no reason to believe an English Parliament would enhance accountability.

Ed Milliband

Labour Space

The break-up of the United Kingdom will give the best and the brightest of the English the decisive push which will take them off the fence in favour of the European Union, not because they love England so little but because they love England so much. For a nationalistic Little England will be a travesty of Britain’s former self, with all its vices bloated and all its virtues shrunken.

Peregrine Worsthorne

England Don’t Arise!, The Spectator, 19th September, 1998

There is no need for an English parliament because there is no England.

Scotland, Wales and Ireland are fairly homogeneous nations, each with its own clearly defined character and culture. That is why devolution (or independence) has been quite successful in all three. In England, the picture is far more complex. There are millions of Scots, Welsh and Irish living in England. The overwhelming majority of non-white migrants also live in England, along with many hundreds of thousands of other Europeans and people from other parts of the world. England is the genuine mongrel nation, and I welcome that. This fact however, makes identity far more complex and difficult than in the other British nations.

For example, I regard myself first and foremost as a Northumbrian, then as British, and finally as European. Here in the north-east we only began to be part of the nation after 1603. Before that, the independent kingdoms of England and Scotland played havoc with the area, and used it (and abused us) for their own dynastic ends. I have no loyalty to England. For me, the British state has meaning and relevance precisely because it has little connection with a brutal past based on ignorance and exploitation.

The answer to the West Lothian question is the creation of a fully federal United Kingdom, based on Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and the regions of England. There would still be disparities of size, but these would be far less than a separate English parliament would create. The failure of the referendum in the North-east in 2004 doesn’t invalidate the concept. Devolution is working in Scotland and Wales; and independence has given most of Ireland a new lease of life. We just need to expand that successful formula to the rest of the United Kingdom.

PETER ARNOLD

NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE

Cllr Peter Arnold

Letter in the Independent, 17th March, 2006

It is not the English people’s fault that they make up 80% of the population of the UK, but it does mean that England cannot sit happily alongside the other nations as a political unit. The only sustainable federations are ones where the constituent parts are more or less the same size. This means revitalising the case for democratic regional government in England (not dismissing it, as the Conservatives are doing).

Richard Laming (Federal Union)

Letter to the Guardian, 19 February 2009

Let us not forget that in Scotland the Scottish Constitutional Convention had eight years to develop their proposals for the Scottish Parliament. Then those proposals were put to referendum. In England there needs to be an equally wide process of deliberation and consultation: the English deserve no less.

Robert Hazell

Public Law; 2001, Summer, 268-280

Coalition Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg on  the 16th November 2010 stated, at the Hansard Society event, ‘that there is no evidence at all that devolution leads to inequalities.’ 

 Oliver Letwin’s  reply ‘that David Cameron is England’s First Minister’ when asked if England like Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland should have a first Minister? – stated at the conservative party conference, fringe event, 2010

Immigration – English sport is a mirror of English society

 Sport  holds up a mirror to any society.  Sadly,  English  sport  today shares  the ills of English society at large. Due to the actions of the British  elite  professional  team sport in England  has  been  heavily infiltrated  by   foreign players just as the country has a  whole  has been left open to de facto foreign colonisation.  

 Cricket  was  the  first  to fall prey to  the  disease.  In  1969  the qualification  rules  for foreign players appearing in  county  cricket were effectively thrown away.  Before 1969 any foreign player  had   to qualify by two years residence in the county:  after 1969 they could be specially registered without any qualifying period.

 Since 1969 there have been various attempts to stem the number  foreign players.   Official overseas players – those not qualified to play  for England by any route  –  have been at various times  restricted to  two per   county side,  then one per side before reverting back to two  per side,  which is the situation in 2006.  

In the past few years  the number of  foreign players in county cricket has   been greatly expanded by  a  ruling  that any EU  state  national must be allowed to play in county cricket whether  England qualified or not – this has resulted in many Australians and South Africans claiming EU  state passports of one sort or another.   The final breach  in  the sporting  emigration  wall has been  the granting of  the  same  rights possessed  by   EU state  passport holders to  people   from  countries which  have  treaties  with the EU that   allow  them  certain  trading rights.

This   loosening  of immigration rules  applies  to all  other  sports, many  of  which   are even more vulnerable  to  invasion  than  cricket because cricket is not played seriously on the continent.  Football and rugby  are  played within the EU and both games in  England  have  been substantially  colonised by continentals.  The situation with  football has  become  especially  serious  with well over  half  the  places  in Premiership  sides being filled by players not qualified  for  England. Following England’s exit from the 2006 World Cup the ex-England manager Graham  Taylor  voiced his fears that   England might never  again  win the World Cup simply because of the lack of opportunity being given  to English players (BBC R5 Victoria Derbyshire 7 7 2006).   Such fears have grown in  intensity since with another World Cup failure in 2010.

The  other  side  of the foreign infiltration coin  is  the  widespread employment  of  those  who are not unequivocally  English  in   English national teams. These people fall into two camps: (1) those who came to England  as adults  and  (2) ethnic minority players  either  born  and raised in England or at least largely raised here.    Their  employmentby  England  has  been generally a failure,  both  in  terms  of  their individual  performances  and in the performance  of  their  respective England teams. 

Take  the  two major English team sports cricket and football.  Of  the  questionable  players  who have finished their Test careers  of and  played a substantial amount of cricket for England since 1980 only (Robin Smith) has managed a Test batting average of 40 and only two  of the bowlers has a Test bowling average of less than 30.

As  for  football,  the only players in the  immigrant/ethnic  minority category   to show themselves to be of true international standard  are probably Paul Ince and Des Walker.  It is difficult to see the sporting justification   for  the repeated and extensive selection  of   players such  as  Mark Ramprakash (lowest every batting  average – 27 –  for  a front  line England batsman who has played my than 40 Tests)   or  John Barnes  (79  England caps and a man who rarely if ever  reproduced  his club  form  for  England).  

Perhaps  the  answer  lies  in   political correctness,  a  desire on the part of selectors  to  guard  themselves against  accusations of racism or simply an ideological  commitment  to multiculturalism.   Here is Stephen Wagg writing in Catalyst, the old CRE’s   propaganda magazine funded by the taxpayer:  “…it is  important that  this  team [the England cricket side] speaks for  a  multi-ethnic England.” (Racism and the English cricket party – Catalyst June 2006).    

There is also the attitude of the players  consider. Some  of those who have  played for England have been blunt about  their attitude  towards turning out for the side.   Here  is  ex-England captain Nasser Hussain interviewed by Rob Steen:

  ’If anyone asks about my nationality, I’m proud  to say ‘Indian’,  but I’ve never given any thought  to  playing  for  India.   In  cricketing terms I’m  English.’ Daily Telegraph 11 8 1989   

 Or  take the black Jamaican England footballer John Barnes writing  in his autobiography:

 ”I    am  fortunate my England career is now  complete  so   I    don’t have to sound patriotic  any  more.” (P69)

 ”I     feel    more   Jamaican    than     English     because   I’m  black.   A  lot  of black  people born    in    England    feel   more Jamaican  than English because  they  are   not  accepted     in    the land of  their  birth  on account of their  colour, (P 71)

 Clearly such mentalities exclude any emotional commitment to doing well for  the sake of English pride.  The most they could have been  playing for was their own ambition.  As the editor of Wisden Matthew Engel  put it:

 ”It  cannot  be  irrelevant  to  England’s  long  term  failures   that  to   many   of   their   recent  Test   players   were   either    born   overseas    and/or  spent  their  formative  years  as   citizens    of   other   countries.   In  the  heat  of  Test  cricket,   there   is   a   difference  between  a  cohesive  team  with  a  common  goal,   and  a  coalition    of   individuals   whose   major   ambitions    are    for themselves…There    is  a  vast  difference  between    wanting    to  play   Test   cricket   and  wanting  to   play   Test   cricket    for   England.” (Editor’s notes 1995 Wisden).

 In  the  1990s an England cricket eleven was  routinely   comprised  of something  like  five white Englishmen, two Southern Africans,   a  New Zealander  and three West Indians.  The idea that their  captain  could appeal to their patriotism as a team of Englishmen is risible. It is difficult to see how  any English man or woman could have seen  it  as  their national side.

English Icons – an exercise in Anglophobic NuLabour propaganda

Late  in 2005 a body  called Icons Online  launched a  website  English Icons  (www.icons.org.uk -the website is still up but is no longer being actively managed). The  organisation  was the creation of  the Department of Culture Media and Sport (DCMS). It  claimed to be entirely independent   despite  being  funded by the DCMS (to the  tune  of  £1m according to the Daily Telegraph 28 4 2006).   The minister with direct responsibility  for  Icons Online was the black London MP  David  Lammy, while  cabinet  minister Tessa Jowell  had indirect  responsibility  as minister for the DCMS.

The ostensible purpose of Icons Online was to provide the English with a sense  of nation by  celebrating English  accomplishments,  inventions, events and such forth.  The public  would nominate and vote on such things and that a number of these  nominations would  be selected to be official English Icons. 

This  was  an official projection of the liberal  propaganda  myth  that the English have no sense of nation and the  Icons’ website unashamedly  made  this intent clear:” Some people argue that there is no such thing as  a  shared  English culture.  They say all those  invasions  by  the Normans  and  Romans  simply left  us with a  ‘hotch  potch’  of  other people’s  cultures.  Paradoxically,  this melting  pot  is  what  makes England  unique.  And today’s multicultural communities make  this  mix even more vibrant and interesting.” 

The covert reason Icons Online was created is simple; NuLabour  were  only too well  aware  that the English have an immense sense of nation  and  were growing increasingly restive about their deliberate marginalisation  by the  British  political elite,  who besides  regularly  insulting   the English, siphon off vast amounts of English money to give to the Celtic Fringe   whilst denying the English any national political voice in  an English Parliament having given such a voice to the other parts of  the UK.

The  Blair Government   was  trying control this growing English  unrest  by creating a soviet-style propaganda unit whose ostensible purpose  was to give voice to  the wishes of the people,  but  whose real purpose was to   produce  a  preordained  propaganda  scenario.   The   preordained propaganda  scenario  in this instance was to portray  England  and  the English  as a happy-clappy  multicultural heaven.  This  intention  was signalled  not only in  the passage from their website  quoted   above, but  also  by the choice of The Windrush as one of the  original  panel chosen Icons. Further evidence comes from  the official minutes of the Icons advisory board (available on the ICONS  website). The minutes for  13 10 2005 stated:

“JD [Jerry Doyle,  Icons’ MD] reported that the Daily Mirror had agreed to be media partner to the ICONS project at launch stage.  Efforts  had also  been  progressing  to  ensure that  ICONS’  partners  were  fully involved in the project. It had been a great success to date, and there was an impressive coalition of support from the National Trust. English Heritage and a range of city museums.  Being inclusive was also crucial to  the project and JD said she was pleased to report involvement  from the Black Cultural Archives,  the Jewish Museum and the Muslim Council. Efforts would continue over time to include other groups.” 

While  the  minutes for 8 12 2005 run:

“Partnership news was reported to the meeting by JD. Meetings had taken place  with the Football Association, Pride personnel in  Brighton  and Mencap  (re an art competition in 2006).  ICONS attended the launch  of Islam Awareness Week to build up contacts and Ken Livingstone  supplied his nomination at the event.”

According to the Icons   website,  the  official icons were to be chosen by  “An advisory board [which] has been set up to help us sift  through nominations and decide which will be featured on this site. This group,  drawn  from a wide range of backgrounds and experience,  will  consider all  your comments and suggestions – as well as the public  vote.”   “A wide range of backgrounds and experience” eh?   The board  is comprised of entirely of  public servants, members of Quangocracy,  mediafolk and academics.  The nine members included these three (text taken from Icons website):

“Vineet  Lal is currently England Brand Manager with Enjoy  England  at VisitBritain.    Enjoy  England  is  the  official   national   tourism organisation for England,  and Vineet has been working with the England team since its inception in March 2003.  Originally from Edinburgh,  he grew  up  in  Scotland and his tourism career  has  included  roles  at Edinburgh and Lothians Tourist Board and  isitScotland…  [He]  thinks it  is  a  delightful  irony that someone with  such  a  strong  Celtic background should end up working on a brand strategy for England!”

“Jo  Turner is head of Arts Online and International at the  Department for  Culture Media and Sport.  She has worked for the department  since 1993 looking after policies concerning sport and young people, widening access  to museums (including the introduction of free admission),  and broadcasting.  She  also looks after DCMS policy  matters  for  Culture Online.  She has worked as Private Secretary to Ministers dealing  with Sport,  Broadcasting and Tourism.  Jo has a degree in History,  and was previously  a  curator  at  the  Imperial  War  Museum,   dealing  with photograph  collections,  and has published work for the IWM about  the contribution made by ethnic minority forces.”

“Sam Walker is director of the Black Cultural Archive and Museum. Based in Brixton,  the Black Cultural Archive and Museum was developed during the  1980s to collect and document the history and life experiences  of black peoples in the UK…”

The last published Advisory Board  minutes (dated  23 2 2006)  includes this  statement:”  The second wave of Icons (for addition to  the  site late April) was discussed.  The editorial director suggested  additions to  his  original list to better represent the results  of  the  public vote. Advisory Board agreed.”  

When this “wave of  Icons”   was announced  in April 2006  they included the Notting Hill Carnival and Brick Lane. I used the Freedom of Information Act  to get the actual voting figures.  The Notting Hill  Carnival  was chosen by the panel despite 84.5% of the public voting NO.  Brick  Lane was chosen with a mere 20 people taking part in the vote.   The  voting figures provided by the DCMS for all 21 Icons were:    

Icon name                votes      % yes    Yes Votes    No Votes

Big Ben                        3321      87.70%      2913        408

Blackpool Tower       1090      65.20%         711        379

Brick Lane                       20      65.00%           13            7

Cricket                         2650      87.80%      2327        323

Domesday Book         1126      80.90%         911       215

Eden Project                 597      30.80%         184       413

Globe Theatre              637      73.20%       466         171

Hadrian’s Wall            1040      74.60%       776        264

Hay Wain                       610      70.80%       432        178

HMS Victory                1378      82.10%      1131       247

Lindisfarne Gospels      245      61.20%        150        95

Mini-skirt                        933      45.30%        423       510

Morris Dancing            6923      88.30%      6113      810

Notting Hill Carnival    2189      15.30%        335    1854

Origin of Species            727      69.60%        504       223

Pride and Prejudice     

by Jane Austen               790      65.80%        520       270

Pub                                 4353      87.90%      3826       527

Queen’s head stamp

design by Machin          596       68.60%        409       187

St George Flag             2265       87.80%      1989       276

Sutton Hoo Helmet       661       64.10%        424       237

York Minister                 735       68.20%        501        234

The Daily Telegraph (28 April 2006) reported that these icons had  been chosen   as English icons because  each was  “one of the 21 most  voted for  icons  suggested  by the public since the website was  set  up  in January”.    Clearly neither the Notting Hull Carnival nor  Brick  Lane was  “one  of the 21 most voted for”.   They were  selected  simply  to progress  Icons  Online’s  openly declared  multicultural  agenda:  the purpose  of The Notting Hill Carnival  being  to include blacks;   that of Brick Lane  to include Asians within the concepts of Englishness and England.

Icons Online  also censored  comments  made about Icons,  both  those nominated  and  chosen.  Here is the  project’s  director  Daniel  Hahn writing  to me concerning comments made about the Windrush which  never appeared on the site:  “  Thank you for your e-mail and your continuing interest in our site. At present we have three comments published,  and ten which have been submitted and rejected. As you’ll see if you browse through the other icons on the site, we are happy to include debate  on our site by publishing comments that don’t support a particular thing’s iconic status;  we are not,  however,  prepared to publish anything  we believe  to  be obviously racist or in any other  way  offensive,  into which category I’m afraid those ten rejected comments fall. “

In addition to  pushing of the multicultural agenda,  the Icons Website was  manipulating matters in the general politically correct  interest. The  most   notable example of this to date was  the  fox  hunting  Icon nomination.  This has been changed from  “fox hunting” (as nominated by the  public)  to   “hunting and the ban”,  something  which  was  never nominated by the public nor voted for.  (The Icons website still has it as  fox  hunting but their press releases have it as  hunting  and  the ban).

Apart  from  being a great political scandal,  the behaviour  of  Icons Online  also  has  criminal implications because  taxpayers’  money  was being  used for purposes other than those which Parliament  has  agreed to, that is   to fund a project to allow the ordinary Englishman and woman to express their sense of national identity.  The further  manipulation  to  prevent non-pc Icons such as fox-hunting being  included  compounds the offence.

I wrote  to Tessa Jowell, my MP Frank Dobson and the  then Tory shadow spokesman  on Culture,  Media and Sport Hugo Swire asking them to  take action to expose the scandal and prevent it continuing.  Jowell did not reply and  Dobson refused to act. 

Swire sent me a long letter which dealt in detail with the manipulation of the fox hunting nomination, but failed entirely to mention let alone address  the  choice of  the Notting Hill Carnival  or  Brick  Lane  as Icons.   However,  he did send me an interesting reply he received from the DCMS when he put down  this Parliamentary  question: “Mr Hugo Swire (Devon  East):  To  ask the Secretary of State  for  Culture,Media  and Sport,  whether (a) she,  (b) Ministers and (c) an official  instructed that  hunting be omitted from her Department sponsored  cultural  icons survey.” (22 5 2006). 

The reply was given by David Lammy:  “No Ministers or officials in  the Department for Culture,  Media and Sport,  has instructed the editorial team at the ICONS project on what to exclude from the list of nominated items.  Such decisions are entirely a matter for the projects editorial team governed by an independent Advisory Board…”

English Icons was clearly a politically correct propaganda  exercise  to “include”  everyone  living in England.  Its effect is  of  course  the opposite: it angers the English and leaves ethnic minorities where they were before:  feeling anything but English  for the icons celebrate not Englishness but something other.

The  fact that so many people (1854) took the trouble to vote “NO,  the Notting  Hill Carnival is not an English icon”,  and only 20 people  in the entire country  bothered to vote one way or the other on the  Brick Lane nomination tells you two things:  (1)  next to no one thinks  they are English Icons and (2) the English are very strongly opposed to this type of political manipulation.    The problem the English have is that a lack of any mainstream political voice.  Until that is remedied   the British elite will continue to manipulate and abuse then.  The  English Icons project is a prime  example of that abuse.

Harry Brown is very white

Harry Brown

Director: Daniel Barber

Cast: Ben Drew, Charlie Creed-Miles, David Bradley, Emily Mortimer, Iain Glen, Jack O’Connell, Liam Cunningham, Michael Caine, Sean Harris

  Harry Brown (Michael Caine) is an old man living on a council housing estate (public housing for those outside of Britain). This is a sink estate as imagined by white liberals, a place filled with what they fondly but mistakenly assume is the entire paraphernalia of such estates: gangs of youngsters causing trouble, drug dealers, knife and gun violence.  (The reality of such estates is that they are (1) very much not the norm and (2) you can readily survive on them if you keep your body language confident and you‘re streetwise. I have taken many a middle class pal into such territory and you can smell the fear on them even in broad daylight).

 Harry’s one friend Len (David Bradley) is knifed to death by a gang and Harry, an ex marine, goes on a vigilante rampage including multiple killing and torture. Shades of the Death Wish films? Gran Torino in South London? Well, not quite.

 This is a profoundly dishonest film. Not only does it take an absurdly hysterical middleclass view of working class communities, it tells a deliberate and calculated if implicit lie about the evils it purports to condemn. The implicit lie is that gang crime on poor estates is white crime, that gun crime is white crime, that knife crime is white crime, that drug dealing is white crime.

 It is a lie because these activities are overwhelmingly black crimes in Britain 2009. So prevalent is black gun and knife crime the Metropolitan Police (the London police force) have a special unit called Trident to investigate black on black killings, most of which are gun and knife related. (For two years I wrote a column for the sadly now defunct Right Now! Magazine entitled “The joy of diversity” for which I kept newspaper cuttings of ethnic mayhem. For a couple of months I kept a parallel file of similar white crimes. There wasn’t a single white knife or gun killing reported by the media during that time. )

 To enhance the lie, the action takes place on a South London estate which in real life is at the heart of a black ghetto. Despite this there is scarcely a black face to be seen in the film, a glaring fact studiously avoided by mainstream British film critics. The identified killers of Harry’s friend are white, the gangs on the estate are white, the drug dealers are white, the gun dealers are white, the innocent bystanders are white. It’s a miracle.

 There is one black face, but he is not seen doing anything actually reprehensible even though he is associated with the killers.  He is interviewed by the police after the killing of Len, but that is primarily to allow him to put the routine black excuse in Britain for carrying guns and knives, viz: “It’s for protection”. I say he is black, but he is black in the sense that Obama is black, that is not so black as to frighten the Caucasian middle-class liberal bigot horses.

The pc agitprop does not finish there. The police assigned to investigate the murder of Harry’s friend are a man and a woman, a Detective Sergeant and Inspector. Guess who is the inspector. That’s right, it’s the woman played by Emily Mortimer, a distinctly improbable circumstance even in today’s ostensibly pc worshipping Metropolitan Police . She also get a good kicking and punching at the end of the film, behaviour which displays another one of the truly obscene consequences of feminism, namely, that women engaging in masculine behaviour or in a traditionally masculine role are validated by acting as and being treated as men. Personally, I could quite happily get through life without seeing women brutally punched in the face and kicked in the ribs after they have fallen to the ground, but, hey, I suppose that makes me incorrigibly old fashioned. This type of moral abdication is not, of course, restricted to women in film , but can be found in films such as Munich and Inglourious Basterds where the grossly immoral behaviour of Arab terrorists and Nazis is used to justify equally brutal and immoral behaviour by Jews against Arabs and Germans, in the latter case against Germans in general including the beating to death with a baseball bat of a defenceless German soldier who refuses to betray his fellow soldiers by giving away their whereabouts. .

Just to put the cherry on the pc cake, when talking with the police about his Northern Ireland as a Royal Marine experience as compared with what he meets with on the estate Harry retails the Sinn Fein/IRA line of “At least they [Sinn Fein IRA] were fighting for a cause, these people are fighting for nothing”. Shades of Rebel Without a Cause.

But it is not all self-conscious pc propaganda. The film also displays the modern white liberal’s hatred and fear of the British white working class, a sub-class of humanity from which modern white liberals consider themselves to be firmly divorced. Consequently, the gang members and their hangers-on are all portrayed as not only vicious and uncontrolled, but slovenly and physically unappealing. This is a routine behaviour of elites who commonly despise those weaker than themselves, for example, look at the portrayal of peasants in Renaissance paintings and you will find them almost uniformly represented as ugly. (The undercurrent to this divorce of the white liberal elite and the white working class is the elite’s knowledge that they have betrayed the white working class through incontinent mass immigration and the remorseless application of political correctness, the consequences of which the rich white liberal fastidiously avoids).

There are other problems with the film. Caine is very good at playing the ruthless hard man, hard both physically and mentally, as he showed in Get Carter and Mona Lisa, but he is now too physically infirm to be convincing as an action man. He goes from being a complete outsider from the criminal fraternity to suddenly knowing where to get guns – try to get yourself a gun in Britain if you aren’t in the criminal know and the most likely supplier you will encounter is an under-cover copper. He can immediately use a modern weapon without training despite not having been a marine for at least 30 years. Weapons technology moves on in 30 years Mr Director,

I can’t say this is film not worth seeing because Caine is always worth watching and Emily Mortimer is an engaging actress. There is also Ben Drew, as the leader of the gang which kills Harry’s friend, who does what all natural film actors do, inhabitants the screen without trying. The action moves at a decent pace and the script is taut. Technically it is a good film. Go and see it but recognise it for what it is, a piece of good liberal bigot agitprop.